The Lion and the Wolfhound
The Lion and the Wolfhound is a nickname for the first parliamentary period in Kymurian politics that began at the end of the Constitution War (821KF) and ended with the ascension of the reactionary Viktor II in 935KF. The period is named after two politicians, Daniel Stafford (the lion) and Erwin Beatty (the wolfhound) who came to totally define the era, and essentially re-built Kymurian politics from scratch. The War and the Political (Dis)order Following the brutal Constitution War between the two major political parties, the Conservative Alliance and the Kymurian Liberal Party, the political system lay in ruins. The Noble Council had essentially disbanded itself, as had it's parties. Emperor Richard, although making every effort to strong-arm the country back into shape, was fighting a losing battle. He had been forced to appoint Squire Venion Cope as a Prime Minister, on the promise that he would act as a caretaker government, but without a legislative branch there was little he could do. The army was still divided ideologically, the north was still expecting the increased autonomy Viscount Tristam had promised them, and the SKL now had a substantial army which could easily be used to secure independence. There were essentially three options the Emperor could take, as advocated by various factions of the imperial court: # Reactionaries: Restore the pre-war political order, use general Gomiroff's army to control the north and unite the Kymurian armies by subduing the SKL, which would likely rebel anyway. # Reformists: Enact popular reform and listen to demands from the church, therefore preserving order whilst eschewing reactionary principles. # Cyrothists: Close the noble council, dismiss the military staff and much of the bureaucracy and centralise all authority in the emperor to prevent civilian politicians from causing more unrest and trouble. For the first month of the weak Cope government, it seemed likely that the Emperor would have to choose the Cyrothist option and use force to set the country straight, but he was a firm believer in the philosophy of the "Higher Power," that stressed that a monarch was not a politician, but something far greater, and that he might cause a collapse or revolution if he tried to meddle in civilian politics too much. The answer to the problem came from a well-known voice in the Saffira political clubs and salons, Dr. Daniel Stafford. Stafford was an ex-conservative who had founded a moderate-liberal political party known as The Popular Action, and who theorised that due to the very powerful but small-scoped nature of the government, the Conservative and Liberal visions of the country could not co-exist, leading to bloody civil war, and that the answer was to divide Kymuria into a thousand constituencies that would each send a delegate to represent them in a parliament. This parliament would act as a broader version of the Noble Council, but would still have to have it's motions approved by that body. This was the solution to the political issue, Stafford argued, because it would serve as a pressure vent for the populace, who often grew frustrated with the self-centred outlook of the noble council. Emperor Richard was enthusiastic about the idea, especially since it meant he could spend far less time engaged in politics, which he saw as beneath him, and instead rule as the Divine Emperor of Kymuria, which he saw as a far more dignified office. The Parliament also meant he could keep a pulse on the attitudes of the populace more accurately, therefore preempt any unrest or discontent. Three months after the conclusion of the war, Emperor Richard dismissed Cope (who went into exile in New Albion) and appointed Stafford as Prime Minister, allowing him to choose his own cabinet. Stafford picked a selection of ex-conservative ministers, but only ones who supported the parliament scheme, therefore earning him some ire from aristocratic sections of society, who saw the proposed reforms as a threat to hierarchic order. Despite this, the scheme went forward without major obstacles, and the 1000-seat parliament, known as the Common Chamber, officially opened on the 5th Day of the Month of Light, 822KF. In order to stand for election, candidates had to be male, own property of some description, and be over the age of twenty-six. In order to vote, you had to be male, own property of some description and over the age of twenty-four. Women who owned substantial property could vote, but had to be over the age of thirty. No electoral constituencies were established in the Zeor regions. The first elections were held two months later, in which, as predicted, Stafford and The Popular Action won a comfortable majority of seats. The results were as follow: # DR. DANIEL STAFFORD, The Popular Action - 550 Seats # MR. CALEB BLACKFORD, The New Conservative Alliance - 213 Seats. # MR. RANDALL MARSH, Kymurian Reformist League - 165 Seats. # MR. ENGELBERT VON STRAUSS, Northern United Parties - 63 Seats # MR. CHARLES HABB, National Republican Party - 4 Seats # DR. HAROLD GRIGG, Old Liberals - 3 Seats # MR. SVENN THOMAS, Agrarian Parties of Oldsra - 1 Seat # MR. JOSE-MARIA REYES, Flores Common League - 1 Seat Almost immediately, despite having a large enough majority and popular following to act independently, Stafford insisted on mutual co-operation with the New Conservative Alliance, correctly predicting that The Popular Action's electoral success was not based on their principles, but on the fact that they had singularly advocated for and succeeded in opening a common parliament, and that broadly, the electorate (property-owning men) would soon give the conservatives success at the ballot box. Due to the ruinous state of the Empire, and the possibility of revolutionary wars on the fringes of it, the Conservatives were eager to work with Stafford, thus giving the government a dictatorial mandate supported by both the Noble Council and the Monarchy. The NCA and TPA agreed that, in return for unconditional support, the conservatives would receive three cabinet positions, the Ministry of War, Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Colonial Affairs. Securing the Frontiers To protect their ancient customs, the SKL had raised a pro-conservative army during the war to oppose the "Empire-wide reformist plan" advocated by the Liberals. However, this army did not see action, and large sections of the Hokasan Court called for the puppet Emperor to use this army either as a military force or as leverage to secure greater freedoms. To the outside world, the Emperor did nothing, merely allowing the army to disband as it's troops returned home of their own volition. However, in a series of private manuscripts, he expressed a deep sadness, writing that he wished the SKL would become a "free and independent state, ruled by the wise." But that "The warlords are too strong, the countryside is too developed and Hokasa too volatile. To give the country independence now would be to curse it for a thousand years to live in the darkness, not in the sunlight it deserves." The Emperor addressed the Colonial Administrators that did the day-to-day running of the SKL, and informed them he wished to co-operate with the Saffira government to the letter. Once this news reached Saffira, Lord Franklyn Brooks, Stafford's Foreign and Imperial minister, requested it in writing. The Emperor complied. Therefore, Stafford could announce the issue of Hokasan separatism defunct, and had a letter from the Emperor to prove it. The next issue on the agenda was the remnants of Liberal armies still active in the north, at risk of brewing up northern independence movements. General Gormiroff's army was constantly harassed by these forces, and for a time, most of the north-east was under martial law. Stafford's government had no fixed policy towards the situation, drawing a large amount of criticism from all around the house. The government could not act effectively on internal Kymurian issues because so much money and effort was being sent north to support the suppression of remnant armies, which only seemed to be growing in strength. Parliament was in deadlock. Enter Erwin Beatty Erwin Beatty was not the usual sort to sit in Parliament. He had been labelled a "cuffman," the archaic term for a radical young liberal who made their name in business rather than aristocracy. However, Beatty was not in the slightest a liberal, but rather a very radical Conservative. Erwin Beatty had been born as Thomas Marlais Erwin Beatty in 784KF, the son of a wealthy and popular barber. Initially, he worked in his father's parlour, but won a scholarship to the West Saffira Church School at the age of 19, where he rapidly proved an uninspiring and lazy, if socially brilliant student. He managed to scrape a qualification in Theology and History at the age of 24, and then decided he wished to be a lawyer, taking a brief apprenticeship, (ironically, under Stafford's brother, senior lawyer Michael Stafford) but quickly losing interest in the academia of the profession, though he excelled at courtroom speaking and was innately theatrical. He married Miss Elaine Farrell, a bakers daughter, then made a living as a court clerk from 809 onwards, though wished to enter politics most of the time he did so. When the Constitution War broke out in 820KF, Beatty held moderately liberal sympathies, but felt, like many, that the Liberal movement would swiftly become a vehicle for extremists and radicals, so joined a reserve unit of Conservative troops in Krahull. The authorities, taking note of his valuable education and charisma, commissioned him as a Captain, although the war was ended by the Paxus Imperatus before his unit could see action. He intended to continue his military career, but was discharged without reason by the post-war government. He could not work in the courts or as a teacher, since he was either repudiated by liberals for having fought for the conservatives, and mocked by the latter for having "lost the war," which many ordinary citizens blamed on rank-and-file troops. He made some attempts to regain his commission following the dismissal of Cope's weak liberal government, but to no avail. Facing potential ruin, he made a pitiful living as a guest speaker for various Conservative clubs around the country, where he was convinced to stand for Dr. Stratton's new 822KF parliament, despite his initial condemnation of it as "gutter politics." The New Conservative Alliance, liking Beatty's charm and education, selected him as a candidate for the largely conservative Whattock Farm, a borough of Saffira. He won the seat comfortably, though once again ran into monetary troubles, since elected officials were expected to support themselves. However, he quickly found the patronage of Lord Edward Roberts, who made him "foolishly wealthy," and bankrolled all of his expenses. His fortunes expanding, (and his wife likewise) Beatty decided to climb higher in politics, and became a common article in the press, who saw him as a chief backbench critic of the government. In 824, Beatty was appointed as party chairman, where he began to truly fix his own philosophy, that of singular government, which stated that no coalition could be truly effective, and that of muscular conservatism, that sought to bring "steady force" to issues that confronted it, which contrasted with the "wait-and-see" attitude of the current administration. Beatty's attacks on Stafford's government, in which he often attacked his own party's involvement, became bywords for the NCA, even if they conflicted with the official party line. The Election of 827KF The election of 827 was fought on very different ground than the election of 822. The government had rapidly improved the situation in the north, and rebuilt much of the war damage, but had failed to fix the slumped economy, which alienated much of the enterprising middle class, traditionally liberal ground. The radical paramilitaries formed during the war were also broken up and pushed underground by the war ministry, though the credit was largely given to the Popular action government. Although Stafford's personal popularity remained strong, there was a great deal of uncertainty over what the outcome would be. Beatty had spent the years following his promotion to party chairman desperately trying to move the party away from "patrician" politics and onto a more populist path, which it broadly had not. Caleb Blackford, the leader, also made the decision to focus on the poor state of the army and navy as an electoral issue, which Beatty opposed on the grounds that it was a self-defeating policy, since the liberals could simply point the finger at the conservative War Minister, Baron-General Oakesfort, who was widely seen as a buffoon. He did, however, manage to get Blackford to agree to the so called "Erwin's Law," which stated that the cross-party coalition would dissolve if the NCA gained more than 400 seats. The results were as follows: # DR. DANIEL STAFFORD, The Popular Action - 545 Seats # MR. CALEB BLACKFORD, The New Conservative Alliance - 441 Seats. # MR. ENGELBERT VON STRAUSS, Northern United Parties - 3 Seats # DR. HAROLD GRIGG, Old Liberals - 10 Seats # MR. JOSE-MARIA REYES, Flores Common League - 1 Seats Interestingly, the Conservatives had not gained many seats from the liberals, as they had hoped, but had instead swallowed up most of the smaller parties. The reformists and most of the united northern seats had gone to the conservatives, while the republicans had joined the more radical Old Liberals. To the relief of most, the Agrarian party had lost it's seat. Stafford was more concerned with the growing power of the Old Liberals, who sought to attract many supporters and candidates of his own party, the left of which was becoming increasingly radical, even discussing a return of the "Spring Bill" that led to civil war just years earlier, which did immense damage to Stafford's image as a cautious moderate liberal. The new "lone" administration was immediately beset with a number of issues, including a partial re-emergence of violent paramilitaries now that Baron-General Oakesworth was no longer present, plus a condemnation of their policies by the church. The Emperor and noble council also distanced themselves from Stafford, and he received a letter from the former six months after the election which stated that if Stafford could not control the radical elements of his party, he would be dismissed as Prime Minister, regardless of any parliamentary majority. Now that they themselves were not part of the government, the NCA could criticise and harangue the new government as much as they liked, to great effect, although the "Beatty-lot" as they were termed, still struggled to get their more dynamic visions at the head of the party, with less passionate patrician elites still dominating the front bench. The Bloody Week & The Collapse of the Popular Action Things changed conclusively on the 14th day of the Month of Plenty, 829KF, when, tired with the government's dithering on any and all policy on account of Stafford's increasingly difficult position as "The Grand Appeaser of all Parties," as the press termed him, fifty-one radical candidates split from the government and joined the Old Liberals. The Emperor immediately threatened to close the chamber if Stafford failed to curtail the situation, fearing a radical-liberal takeover. Stafford insisted that the situation was under control, and that he still had, "a majority in the house, the trust of the nation and the will to carry on." Stafford's loose control of civil discontent in the absence of Baron-General Oakesworth would come back to bite him, however, when, just hours after the defection en-masse, a gunman shot Caleb Blackford as he was walking through Saffira on his way home, yelling "long live freedom, death to order," as he did so. The event was captured on camera, giving it an immortal legacy. Simultaneously, three men attempted to breach the gates of the Royal City, killing four guardsmen but dying after a squad of cavalry cut them down as they advanced up the main avenue radical-liberal and agrarianist papers were found on them. A bomb intended for the Princess-Imperial's carriage was discovered but never went off. The message, "We won the war, where is our prize, freedom?" was found scrawled on a nearby wall. A state of emergency was declared for the following "bloody week," and civil reprisals against suspected "old" radical-liberals, anarchists and agrarians were common, and the insistence that the government stop such actions only alienated the army and RKC. These incidents were exacerbated by the state funerals of Blackford and the four dead officers, which brought on a feeling of revenge in the minds of many Kymurians. Political writer Gilbert Harrison, who covered the week in intimate detail, wrote that the collected incidents, which he estimated led to the death of some 48 suspected revolutionaries, was "the last battle of the civil war," and, "in the eye of the average man, who sided with the conservatives in spirit if not in policy, the victory of the liberals in the war was a false one now avenged by the deaths of these suspected radicals." Parliament was kept open. The Old Liberal party was dismissed and it's members arrested, although the court could not find them linked to the attacks. Certain some kind of radical takeover was on the horizon, some fifty-two members "turned tail" and defected to the NCA, giving Stafford a knife-edge majority of one seat. With their central figure dead, the "patrician" faction gave way to Beatty's faction and he became party leader by a 487-6 candidate's vote. Emperor Richard appointed him Prime Minister the next day. Despite some opposition from his Party, Beatty insisted on calling an election as soon as possible, arguing that since The New Conservative Alliance had come into power via the collapse of the government party, they did not have a proper mandate to rule. The election occurred on the 12th day of the Month of Pour, 829. Stafford re-formed his supporters into the Nationalist Liberal Party in an effort to maintain his career, whilst Beatty altered his party's name to the more dynamic, "Conservative and Imperial Party." Second Stafford Government Beatty Returns